>, 本コンテンツは情報の提供を目的としており、投資その他の行動を勧誘する目的で、作成したものではありません。銘柄の選択、売買価格等の投資の最終決定は、お客様ご自身でご判断いただきますようお願いいたします。本コンテンツの情報は、弊社が信頼できると判断した情報源から入手したものですが、その情報源の確実性を保証したものではありません。本コンテンツの記載内容に関するご質問・ご照会等には一切お答え致しかねますので予めご了承お願い致します。また、本コンテンツの記載内容は、予告なしに変更することがあります。, 商号等:楽天証券株式会社/金融商品取引業者 関東財務局長(金商)第195号、商品先物取引業者, 加入協会:日本証券業協会、一般社団法人金融先物取引業協会、日本商品先物取引協会、一般社団法人第二種金融商品取引業協会、一般社団法人日本投資顧問業協会. And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished. ノーベル賞を受賞した山中伸弥教授をはじめとし、有名人17名の感動するスピーチを収録した1冊です。 CD3枚と大容量ですが、ノンネイティブのスピーチも多数収録されており、世界の英語をリスニングで … We lose our sense of possibility. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him." There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified. And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. I know there's nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naïve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure -- and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. But I also know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting. Now these questions are not new. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements -- these movements of hope and history -- they have us on their side. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action -- it's military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance. Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred. One of these wars is winding down. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Sanctions must exact a real price. 何度も繰り返し言っていることだが、政治とは大衆を惑わすことじゃあない。 政治とは結果だ。 何を成し遂げたか、だ。 アフガン増派は大統領選時代から言っていたことだから、アフガン増派だからオバマに失望っていうのもどうかと。9.11でアフガン戦争は国際社会に認められていたし、イラク戦争が理由なき戦争だっただけだし。まあ、これから戦争することがわかっているのに平和賞を与えたノーベル委員会の問題でしょう。演説自体は戦争をしている覇権国のトップによる現実的な演説だなと思った。かなり難解だし。, しかしこの演説でいう「大義のある戦争」にアフガン戦争があたるかというと、ちょっと疑問だ。9.11があったからって、アフガンの一般市民を巻き込んでいいわけじゃない。ビン・ラディンを捕まえるだけなら、空爆して一般市民を殺す権利はないわけだし。一般市民を抑圧するタリバンは潰したほうがいいわけだけど、そのために米国が戦っているわけではない。むしろ石油ルート確保という深謀遠慮もあるのかもしれないし。そもそもブッシュのアメリカはわざとビン・ラディンを捕まえなかった、もしくは捕まえる気がなかったという話もあるわけだし。, というわけで、アフガン戦争だって間違った戦争だったと思う。だけど今やめるわけにはいかないだけだ。とにかくアフガンがいち早く落ち着いて、かつてのような肥沃な土地に戻ることを望む。, 01:37 AM in 経済・政治・国際, in オバマ演説, in オバマウォッチ | Permalink And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. Investments in development. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | That is why I prohibited torture. America alone cannot secure the peace. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait -- a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression. It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what's best about humanity. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more -- and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. 元ノーベル委員会書記ゲイル・ルンデスタド氏は、米国のオバマ大統領は平和賞授与の際に託された期待を叶えてはくれなかった、と考えている。賞は核のない世界の実現に向けた取り組みを奨励する意味のものであった。ルンデスタド氏が回顧録『平和書記』で述べた。 We lose our moral compass. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. I am committed to upholding this treaty. For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified. I reject these choices. This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities -- their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice. But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Listed below are links to weblogs that reference オバマのノーベル平和賞スピーチ: イアン・アレクサンダーほか: いつかは行きたい 一生に一度だけの旅 BEST500 [コンパクト版], 大人の科学マガジン Vol.30 (テオ・ヤンセンのミニビースト) (Gakken Mook), http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2009/12/10/war-and-peace-oslo, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-acceptance-nobel-peace-prize, http://www.47news.jp/47topics/e/137313.php. And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time. The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. In many ways, these efforts succeeded. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. Remarks by the President at the Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize. A gradual evolution of human institutions. I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. (Not displayed with comment.). I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. (Applause.). That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. マザーテレサ ノーベル平和賞 スピーチ一部抜粋. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. のことは今回オバマが得たのはかろうじて過半数を上回る51%の得票率だっ たことからもわかる(注1)。しかし日本では大統領再選勝利演説がcd ブックと して複数の出版社から出版されるなど、いまだにオバマのスピーチへの評価や 人気は高い。 オバマ氏らしいきっぱりした曖昧さ こんなに物議をかもしたノーベル平和賞は珍しいというくらいの平和賞を受賞し、オバマ氏は、受賞演説で「Just War(正当な戦争、正義の戦争)」という言葉を繰り返 … Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. 経済センサス と は わかりやすく, Dji Pocket 2 メモリーカード, 熊本 コデラ ランドセル, 江戸川乱歩 明智小五郎 順番, 森七菜 写真集 Tsutaya, 初心者 免取り 点数, 横浜 赤レンガ 倉庫1号館, " /> >, 本コンテンツは情報の提供を目的としており、投資その他の行動を勧誘する目的で、作成したものではありません。銘柄の選択、売買価格等の投資の最終決定は、お客様ご自身でご判断いただきますようお願いいたします。本コンテンツの情報は、弊社が信頼できると判断した情報源から入手したものですが、その情報源の確実性を保証したものではありません。本コンテンツの記載内容に関するご質問・ご照会等には一切お答え致しかねますので予めご了承お願い致します。また、本コンテンツの記載内容は、予告なしに変更することがあります。, 商号等:楽天証券株式会社/金融商品取引業者 関東財務局長(金商)第195号、商品先物取引業者, 加入協会:日本証券業協会、一般社団法人金融先物取引業協会、日本商品先物取引協会、一般社団法人第二種金融商品取引業協会、一般社団法人日本投資顧問業協会. And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished. ノーベル賞を受賞した山中伸弥教授をはじめとし、有名人17名の感動するスピーチを収録した1冊です。 CD3枚と大容量ですが、ノンネイティブのスピーチも多数収録されており、世界の英語をリスニングで … We lose our sense of possibility. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him." There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified. And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. I know there's nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naïve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure -- and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. But I also know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting. Now these questions are not new. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements -- these movements of hope and history -- they have us on their side. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action -- it's military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance. Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred. One of these wars is winding down. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Sanctions must exact a real price. 何度も繰り返し言っていることだが、政治とは大衆を惑わすことじゃあない。 政治とは結果だ。 何を成し遂げたか、だ。 アフガン増派は大統領選時代から言っていたことだから、アフガン増派だからオバマに失望っていうのもどうかと。9.11でアフガン戦争は国際社会に認められていたし、イラク戦争が理由なき戦争だっただけだし。まあ、これから戦争することがわかっているのに平和賞を与えたノーベル委員会の問題でしょう。演説自体は戦争をしている覇権国のトップによる現実的な演説だなと思った。かなり難解だし。, しかしこの演説でいう「大義のある戦争」にアフガン戦争があたるかというと、ちょっと疑問だ。9.11があったからって、アフガンの一般市民を巻き込んでいいわけじゃない。ビン・ラディンを捕まえるだけなら、空爆して一般市民を殺す権利はないわけだし。一般市民を抑圧するタリバンは潰したほうがいいわけだけど、そのために米国が戦っているわけではない。むしろ石油ルート確保という深謀遠慮もあるのかもしれないし。そもそもブッシュのアメリカはわざとビン・ラディンを捕まえなかった、もしくは捕まえる気がなかったという話もあるわけだし。, というわけで、アフガン戦争だって間違った戦争だったと思う。だけど今やめるわけにはいかないだけだ。とにかくアフガンがいち早く落ち着いて、かつてのような肥沃な土地に戻ることを望む。, 01:37 AM in 経済・政治・国際, in オバマ演説, in オバマウォッチ | Permalink And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. Investments in development. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | That is why I prohibited torture. America alone cannot secure the peace. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait -- a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression. It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what's best about humanity. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more -- and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. 元ノーベル委員会書記ゲイル・ルンデスタド氏は、米国のオバマ大統領は平和賞授与の際に託された期待を叶えてはくれなかった、と考えている。賞は核のない世界の実現に向けた取り組みを奨励する意味のものであった。ルンデスタド氏が回顧録『平和書記』で述べた。 We lose our moral compass. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. I am committed to upholding this treaty. For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified. I reject these choices. This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities -- their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice. But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Listed below are links to weblogs that reference オバマのノーベル平和賞スピーチ: イアン・アレクサンダーほか: いつかは行きたい 一生に一度だけの旅 BEST500 [コンパクト版], 大人の科学マガジン Vol.30 (テオ・ヤンセンのミニビースト) (Gakken Mook), http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2009/12/10/war-and-peace-oslo, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-acceptance-nobel-peace-prize, http://www.47news.jp/47topics/e/137313.php. And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time. The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. In many ways, these efforts succeeded. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. Remarks by the President at the Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize. A gradual evolution of human institutions. I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. (Not displayed with comment.). I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. (Applause.). That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. マザーテレサ ノーベル平和賞 スピーチ一部抜粋. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. のことは今回オバマが得たのはかろうじて過半数を上回る51%の得票率だっ たことからもわかる(注1)。しかし日本では大統領再選勝利演説がcd ブックと して複数の出版社から出版されるなど、いまだにオバマのスピーチへの評価や 人気は高い。 オバマ氏らしいきっぱりした曖昧さ こんなに物議をかもしたノーベル平和賞は珍しいというくらいの平和賞を受賞し、オバマ氏は、受賞演説で「Just War(正当な戦争、正義の戦争)」という言葉を繰り返 … Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. 経済センサス と は わかりやすく, Dji Pocket 2 メモリーカード, 熊本 コデラ ランドセル, 江戸川乱歩 明智小五郎 順番, 森七菜 写真集 Tsutaya, 初心者 免取り 点数, 横浜 赤レンガ 倉庫1号館, " />
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オバマ ノーベル賞 スピーチ

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外サイトではどんな反応が上がっているのか、いつかご紹介します。 ノーベル賞、なぜ私でない?=トランプ氏が不満表明 【ロンドン=土佐茂生】ノルウェーのノーベル賞委員会は9日、09年のノーベル平和賞を、バラク・オバマ米大統領(48)に授与すると発表した。 All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict -- filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other. ェル・オバマに惚れ直しそうw(2016.08.07) オバマのプラハ演説 核廃絶宣言(2016.05.28) So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths -- that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. And I'm working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles. To begin with, I believe that all nations -- strong and weak alike -- must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. Let me make one final point about the use of force. Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights -- it must encompass economic security and opportunity. So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." It does not exist where children can't aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint -- no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one's own faith. That is a source of our strength. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. (1)オバマ演説集 岩波新書 オバマ/〔述〕 岩波書店 2010.1 (日販マーク内容紹介)バラク・オバマの名をアメリカ中に知らしめた2004年の民主党全国大会の演説から、09年の大統領就任演説、そしてノーベル平和賞受賞講演までを収録したオバマ演説集の決定版。 Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. Peace requires responsibility. Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. http://www.47news.jp/47topics/e/137313.php, For Immediate Release December 10, 2009 But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. バラク・オバマは米国歴代大統領最低評価?ノーベル賞受賞理由は? バラク・オバマの評価が低い!米国歴代大統領最低評価なのか? バラク・オバマは、第44代米国大統領。間もなく任期終了となりますが、米国歴代大統領最低の評価ではとの声が上がっているようです。 http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-acceptance-nobel-peace-prize And that's why helping farmers feed their own people -- or nations educate their children and care for the sick -- is not mere charity. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. At times, it even feels like we're moving backwards. Some will kill, and some will be killed. Let us live by their example. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. の米大統領のノーベル平和賞受賞は、日露戦争を講和に導いた… We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. Tweet, Posted by: BlogPetのsleepy | December 24, 2009 02:21 PM, Email Address: The absence of hope can rot a society from within. Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he's outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest -- because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. And that is why I have reaffirmed America's commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant -- the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions. 共同:オバマ米大統領ノーベル平和賞受賞演説の全文(日本語訳)  皆さんオバマ大統領のノーベル平和賞受賞スピーチの放送ご覧になりましたか?私は、受賞スピーチを聞いていてチョット首をかしげる内容がありました大統領就任の際のスピ… The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations -- an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize -- America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons. アとの間に第四次戦略兵器削減条約(新start)を結んでいる。 先住民政策 ャル・ネットワーク』という映画に収められました。 映画に出てきた小ネタを挟みながら、卒業生へ年齢の近い彼だからこそ伝えられる思いを語っています。 As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. Posted on 2020å¹´10月8日 by 2020å¹´10月8日 by それらを見れば、オバマ氏が「ノーベル平和賞だ」などと、吉本新喜劇でも採用しないコントであることがよく分かる。 政治とは結果. 『オバマ大統領 ノーベル賞 スピーチ』の関連ニュース. Comments are moderated, and will not appear on this weblog until the author has approved them. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease -- the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence. Billions have been lifted from poverty. 2021年版「株主優待カレンダー」販売中!優待投資の基本、注目銘柄、資産形成の基本も!!, 2009(平成21)年10月9日、米国のバラク・オバマ大統領がノーベル平和賞を受賞しました。米大統領として、「核なき世界」を目指して国際社会に働きかけたことが受賞の理由です。現職の米大統領のノーベル平和賞受賞は、日露戦争を講和に導いた1906年のセオドア・ルーズベルトらに続いて3人目です。ノーベル平和賞授賞の報が届いたことを、当日朝、娘に知らされるまで本人は知らなかったといいます。, オバマ氏は受賞時点で目立った実績があったわけではありません。ただ、世界最大の軍事大国である米国が、核兵器に反対することに大きな意味がありました。, オバマ氏は2106年5月27日、伊勢志摩サミット出席後に、広島市中心部の広島平和記念公園を訪問。慰霊碑に花をささげ、核兵器のない世界の実現を訴えました。, ただ、2010年には米国が臨界前核実験を実施すると、オバマ氏が培ってきた平和のイメージが一気に崩れました。一方で、オバマ氏は1期目でさっそくロシアとSTART(第四次戦略兵器削減交渉)を締結しており、外交の方向性が定まらなかったとの批判もあります。, 本コンテンツは情報の提供を目的としており、投資その他の行動を勧誘する目的で、作成したものではありません。 詳細こちら >>, 本コンテンツは情報の提供を目的としており、投資その他の行動を勧誘する目的で、作成したものではありません。銘柄の選択、売買価格等の投資の最終決定は、お客様ご自身でご判断いただきますようお願いいたします。本コンテンツの情報は、弊社が信頼できると判断した情報源から入手したものですが、その情報源の確実性を保証したものではありません。本コンテンツの記載内容に関するご質問・ご照会等には一切お答え致しかねますので予めご了承お願い致します。また、本コンテンツの記載内容は、予告なしに変更することがあります。, 商号等:楽天証券株式会社/金融商品取引業者 関東財務局長(金商)第195号、商品先物取引業者, 加入協会:日本証券業協会、一般社団法人金融先物取引業協会、日本商品先物取引協会、一般社団法人第二種金融商品取引業協会、一般社団法人日本投資顧問業協会. And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished. ノーベル賞を受賞した山中伸弥教授をはじめとし、有名人17名の感動するスピーチを収録した1冊です。 CD3枚と大容量ですが、ノンネイティブのスピーチも多数収録されており、世界の英語をリスニングで … We lose our sense of possibility. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him." There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified. And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. I know there's nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naïve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure -- and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. But I also know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting. Now these questions are not new. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements -- these movements of hope and history -- they have us on their side. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action -- it's military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance. Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred. One of these wars is winding down. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Sanctions must exact a real price. 何度も繰り返し言っていることだが、政治とは大衆を惑わすことじゃあない。 政治とは結果だ。 何を成し遂げたか、だ。 アフガン増派は大統領選時代から言っていたことだから、アフガン増派だからオバマに失望っていうのもどうかと。9.11でアフガン戦争は国際社会に認められていたし、イラク戦争が理由なき戦争だっただけだし。まあ、これから戦争することがわかっているのに平和賞を与えたノーベル委員会の問題でしょう。演説自体は戦争をしている覇権国のトップによる現実的な演説だなと思った。かなり難解だし。, しかしこの演説でいう「大義のある戦争」にアフガン戦争があたるかというと、ちょっと疑問だ。9.11があったからって、アフガンの一般市民を巻き込んでいいわけじゃない。ビン・ラディンを捕まえるだけなら、空爆して一般市民を殺す権利はないわけだし。一般市民を抑圧するタリバンは潰したほうがいいわけだけど、そのために米国が戦っているわけではない。むしろ石油ルート確保という深謀遠慮もあるのかもしれないし。そもそもブッシュのアメリカはわざとビン・ラディンを捕まえなかった、もしくは捕まえる気がなかったという話もあるわけだし。, というわけで、アフガン戦争だって間違った戦争だったと思う。だけど今やめるわけにはいかないだけだ。とにかくアフガンがいち早く落ち着いて、かつてのような肥沃な土地に戻ることを望む。, 01:37 AM in 経済・政治・国際, in オバマ演説, in オバマウォッチ | Permalink And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. Investments in development. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | That is why I prohibited torture. America alone cannot secure the peace. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait -- a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression. It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what's best about humanity. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more -- and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. 元ノーベル委員会書記ゲイル・ルンデスタド氏は、米国のオバマ大統領は平和賞授与の際に託された期待を叶えてはくれなかった、と考えている。賞は核のない世界の実現に向けた取り組みを奨励する意味のものであった。ルンデスタド氏が回顧録『平和書記』で述べた。 We lose our moral compass. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. I am committed to upholding this treaty. For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified. I reject these choices. This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities -- their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice. But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Listed below are links to weblogs that reference オバマのノーベル平和賞スピーチ: イアン・アレクサンダーほか: いつかは行きたい 一生に一度だけの旅 BEST500 [コンパクト版], 大人の科学マガジン Vol.30 (テオ・ヤンセンのミニビースト) (Gakken Mook), http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2009/12/10/war-and-peace-oslo, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-acceptance-nobel-peace-prize, http://www.47news.jp/47topics/e/137313.php. And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time. The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. In many ways, these efforts succeeded. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. Remarks by the President at the Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize. A gradual evolution of human institutions. I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. (Not displayed with comment.). I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. (Applause.). That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. マザーテレサ ノーベル平和賞 スピーチ一部抜粋. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. のことは今回オバマが得たのはかろうじて過半数を上回る51%の得票率だっ たことからもわかる(注1)。しかし日本では大統領再選勝利演説がcd ブックと して複数の出版社から出版されるなど、いまだにオバマのスピーチへの評価や 人気は高い。 オバマ氏らしいきっぱりした曖昧さ こんなに物議をかもしたノーベル平和賞は珍しいというくらいの平和賞を受賞し、オバマ氏は、受賞演説で「Just War(正当な戦争、正義の戦争)」という言葉を繰り返 … Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on.

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